Politics

/

ArcaMax

America can only hope Trump's not serious about blowing up trade partnerships

St. Louis Post-Dispatch Editorial Board, St. Louis Post-Dispatch on

Published in Political News

It’s telling that virtually the only positive spin economists of every political persuasion are putting on Donald Trump’s latest vow to ignite a global tariff war is the possibility that he doesn’t actually mean it. This is one instance in which Trump’s well-established tendency to say things he knows aren’t true is America’s best hope of avoiding a self-inflicted national economic injury.

It’s beyond ironic that Trump — whose recent election to a second term was helped immeasurably, maybe decisively, by high inflation under Joe Biden’s presidency — has made aggressive tariffs a centerpiece of his economic agenda. Those fees on imported foreign goods will inevitably be passed onto American consumers in the form of higher prices. They might also hurt America’s manufacturing sector, as Missouri in particular learned from Trump’s first-term tariff-mania.

Trump promised throughout this year’s presidential campaign to hit global friends and foes alike with high new tariffs as a misguided lever to protect American jobs. But even many of his supporters dismissed it as typical Trumpian bluster designed to make him sound tough on the campaign trail.

What happened last week cannot be so easily shrugged off. Trump announced on his Truth Social platform that he will, immediately upon taking office on Jan. 20, hit Mexico and Canada each with 25% tariffs, and another 10% on top of existing tariffs against China.

He linked the Mexico and Canada tariffs specifically to immigration and drug trafficking: “This Tariff will remain in effect until such time as Drugs, in particular Fentanyl, and all Illegal Aliens stop this Invasion of our Country!”

Trump is basing a radical policy announcement against America’s two biggest trading partners on the utter fabrication that illegal immigrants are “bringing Crime and Drugs at levels never seen before.”

He’s also mischaracterizing the very real fentanyl crisis as being tied to immigration. In fact, more than 85% of people sentenced for cross-border trafficking of fentanyl in 2023 were U.S. citizens, according to a study by KFF. As aptly laid out last week by the Wall Street Journal’s staunchly conservative editorial board, “Mr. Trump is threatening the countries, including two neighbors and allies, with economic harm if they don’t help him solve a domestic U.S. problem.”

Reasonably structured tariffs have a legitimate place in trade policy, but Trump’s view of them as clubs to be swung around indiscriminately at trading partners ignores some crucial complexities.

First, tariffs are by definition a tax on American consumers. Trump spent much of this year’s campaign publicly insisting that targeted countries would have to pay his promised tariffs, indicating he either doesn’t understand how tariffs work or (more likely) was assuming his audiences don’t.

 

In fact, tariffs are paid by U.S. importers, which then pass the cost on in the form of higher prices for goods — as consumers discovered during Trump’s first term. Among his trade policies were targeted tariffs on imported washing machines, which was meant to bolster U.S. manufacturing but which primarily just drove up prices across the entire U.S. market.

Trump’s planned tariffs against Mexico and Canada would do even more damage to Americans’ pocketbooks. Together, those two countries provide roughly one-third of all the fruits and vegetables sold in the U.S. Those produce prices would rise immediately as importers pass the tariffs on to American distributors and grocers. Meanwhile, tariffs on Canadian petroleum could drive up U.S. gas pump prices by as much as 75 cents a gallon by some estimates.

And that’s before even getting into the impact that likely retaliatory tariffs from those countries would have on foreign sales of American goods. Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum immediately threatened such retaliation after Trump’s announcement last week.

Even under a best-case scenario in which Trump is merely threatening tariffs as a bargaining chip on trade and other issues, the threat alone is typically reckless. U.S. automobile manufacturers are especially jittery about the possibility of new tariffs, since that industry’s supply chain crosses national borders repeatedly with the making of virtually every car. No wonder General Motors’ shares plummeted last week after Trump’s announcement.

Since most major manufacturing today involves supply chains that span national borders, even policies that spur U.S. manufacturing can also hurt it. Missouri saw that firsthand during Trump’s first term, when the Noranda Aluminum plant, in the Bootheel, was initially aided by tariffs on foreign competition — only to see those same tariffs spur major shifts in the global aluminum supply chain that ended up devastating the Missouri company’s sales.

As it happens, Missouri has two Republican senators and a half-dozen House members who, to one degree or another, have Trump’s ear or the ears of those around him. Should he go through with this reckless tariff binge, and those members of Congress do nothing to oppose it, let no one forget that abrogation of duty when local prices rise and jobs are lost.

_____


©2024 STLtoday.com. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

 

Comments

blog comments powered by Disqus

 

Related Channels

ACLU

ACLU

By The ACLU
Amy Goodman

Amy Goodman

By Amy Goodman
Armstrong Williams

Armstrong Williams

By Armstrong Williams
Austin Bay

Austin Bay

By Austin Bay
Ben Shapiro

Ben Shapiro

By Ben Shapiro
Betsy McCaughey

Betsy McCaughey

By Betsy McCaughey
Bill Press

Bill Press

By Bill Press
Bonnie Jean Feldkamp

Bonnie Jean Feldkamp

By Bonnie Jean Feldkamp
Cal Thomas

Cal Thomas

By Cal Thomas
Christine Flowers

Christine Flowers

By Christine Flowers
Clarence Page

Clarence Page

By Clarence Page
Danny Tyree

Danny Tyree

By Danny Tyree
David Harsanyi

David Harsanyi

By David Harsanyi
Debra Saunders

Debra Saunders

By Debra Saunders
Dennis Prager

Dennis Prager

By Dennis Prager
Dick Polman

Dick Polman

By Dick Polman
Erick Erickson

Erick Erickson

By Erick Erickson
Froma Harrop

Froma Harrop

By Froma Harrop
Jacob Sullum

Jacob Sullum

By Jacob Sullum
Jamie Stiehm

Jamie Stiehm

By Jamie Stiehm
Jeff Robbins

Jeff Robbins

By Jeff Robbins
Jessica Johnson

Jessica Johnson

By Jessica Johnson
Jim Hightower

Jim Hightower

By Jim Hightower
Joe Conason

Joe Conason

By Joe Conason
Joe Guzzardi

Joe Guzzardi

By Joe Guzzardi
John Micek

John Micek

By John Micek
John Stossel

John Stossel

By John Stossel
Josh Hammer

Josh Hammer

By Josh Hammer
Judge Andrew Napolitano

Judge Andrew Napolitano

By Judge Andrew P. Napolitano
Laura Hollis

Laura Hollis

By Laura Hollis
Marc Munroe Dion

Marc Munroe Dion

By Marc Munroe Dion
Michael Barone

Michael Barone

By Michael Barone
Michael Reagan

Michael Reagan

By Michael Reagan
Mona Charen

Mona Charen

By Mona Charen
Oliver North and David L. Goetsch

Oliver North and David L. Goetsch

By Oliver North and David L. Goetsch
R. Emmett Tyrrell

R. Emmett Tyrrell

By R. Emmett Tyrrell
Rachel Marsden

Rachel Marsden

By Rachel Marsden
Rich Lowry

Rich Lowry

By Rich Lowry
Robert B. Reich

Robert B. Reich

By Robert B. Reich
Ruben Navarrett Jr

Ruben Navarrett Jr

By Ruben Navarrett Jr.
Ruth Marcus

Ruth Marcus

By Ruth Marcus
S.E. Cupp

S.E. Cupp

By S.E. Cupp
Salena Zito

Salena Zito

By Salena Zito
Star Parker

Star Parker

By Star Parker
Stephen Moore

Stephen Moore

By Stephen Moore
Susan Estrich

Susan Estrich

By Susan Estrich
Ted Rall

Ted Rall

By Ted Rall
Terence P. Jeffrey

Terence P. Jeffrey

By Terence P. Jeffrey
Tim Graham

Tim Graham

By Tim Graham
Tom Purcell

Tom Purcell

By Tom Purcell
Veronique de Rugy

Veronique de Rugy

By Veronique de Rugy
Victor Joecks

Victor Joecks

By Victor Joecks
Wayne Allyn Root

Wayne Allyn Root

By Wayne Allyn Root

Comics

Steve Breen Gary Markstein Daryl Cagle Bob Gorrell Dick Wright Chip Bok